Is this the Secular India ?

Madhya Pradesh govt college principal held for ‘insulting’ Goddess
Dr S S Gautam, the principal of a government college in Seondha in Datia district, allegedly made some comments about Saraswati a few days ago. The remarks were filmed on a mobile phone.
Written by Milind Ghatwai | Bhopal |
Published: June 2, 2019 5:17:21 am



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Seondha police station in-charge Shailendra Singh said Gautam, who belongs to a Scheduled Caste, has been booked under various sections of IPC. (Representational Image)
A government college principal who allegedly made derogatory remarks about Goddess Saraswati and boasted about not allowing photographs of deities on the walls of the department he had headed in the past has been arrested and sent to a jail in Gwalior. Another professor of the same college has been booked for allegedly circulating a video of the remarks.

Dr S S Gautam, the principal of a government college in Seondha in Datia district, allegedly made some comments about Saraswati a few days ago. The remarks were filmed on a mobile phone.

After the video was circulated widely on May 26, workers cutting across political lines took to the streets in Seondha, demanding the arrest and dismissal of the 52-year-old, who was appointed principal a few months ago. Gautam surrendered after police approached his close relatives, two of whom are state government officials.

Seondha police station in-charge Shailendra Singh said Gautam, who belongs to a Scheduled Caste, was booked under Section 153 A (promoting enmity between different groups on grounds of religion, race, language etc) and Section 295 A (deliberate and malicious acts, intended to outrage religious feelings of any class by insulting its religion and religious beliefs) of the IPC.

Manoj Vyas, a professor at the Seondha college who is also an SC, has been booked under the same IPC sections, with Singh saying they were probing if he had shot the video. Vyas was the in-charge principal of the college till Gautam was appointed.

A court on Friday sent Gautam to judicial custody for two weeks, ordering that he be lodged in a jail in Gwalior for his own safety. Gautam’s application for anticipatory bail was rejected. Extra security was deployed when Gautam was produced before the court.

In the video that went viral, Gautam is purportedly heard saying he never allowed photographs of gods and goddesses to adorn the walls of the departments he had been in-charge of. “To those who questioned me, I told them I will replace them with better photographs or have a statue installed, without any intention of doing so,” Singh quoted Gautam as saying.

Gautam appears to add that he wants portraits of only Mahatma Gandhi and B R Ambedkar in the college.

Historically Brahmins were grammarians, logicians, writers, poets, astrologers, and scientists.

 Historically Brahmins were grammarians, logicians, writers, poets, astrologers, and scientists. They were men of the mind, as these men still were. I had seen Brahmins performing religious ceremonies and reading their scriptures. That interested me less. But I found the sight of these men engaged in an ancient form of scholarship utterly compelling. How strange that it had been right here all this while. Strange, too, that no connection should exist between their world and mine—that India's intellectual past should play no role in engendering its present and future. A link had been severed, but I knew too little about what had been lost to feel the pain of it. What struck me hard that afternoon was how automatic my incuriosity about old India had been.

everywhere, at home nowhere." He wrote, "I am a stranger and alien in the West. I cannot be of it. But in my own country also, sometimes, I have an exile's feeling." Nehru no doubt felt a version of what the French intellectual Didier Eribon experienced in relation to class—"the discomfort that results from belonging to two different worlds, worlds so far separated from each other that they seem irreconcilable, and yet which coexist in everything that you are." That afternoon among the Brahmins of Benares, I knew an odd feeling of being impoverished by my exposure to other places. The legacy of British rule in India meant that I belonged to a zone of overlap that lay between East and West. It was what made it easy for me to go to college in America. The linguistic and cultural familiarity with multiple societies should have brought forth a rich

Like so much of the old non-West, India was an ancient civilization reborn as a modern nation, twice-born in another sense. But it was amazing to consider how long it had been trying to cure itself of the trauma of its second birth. A hundred years ago, in this very town, the Banaras Hindu University had been founded with the stated intention of closing the gap between East and West. At its inauguration, in 1916, a little-known leader, freshly arrived from his activities in South Africa, had caused "a beautiful scandal." "It is a matter of deep humiliation and shame for us," began Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi—addressing an audience comprising the viceroy, a pride of Indian princes, and Annie Besant, the leading theosophist and champion of self-rule for India—"that I am compelled this evening under the shadow of this great college, in this sacred city, to address mv councrvmen in a language that is foreign to me.

"But suppose that we had been receiving during the past fifty years education through our vernaculars, what should we have today? We should have today a free India, we should have our educated men not as if they were foreigners in their own land, but speaking to the heart of the nation..." Gandhi was responding to a process that had been set in motion a century before. The British administrator Lord Macaulay was roughly my age—in his midthirties—when, in

motion a century before. The British administrator Lord Macaulay was roughly my age—in his midthirties—when, in 1834, he was appointed to the Committee of Public Instruction. Macaulay had felt duty bound to create a "class who may be interpreters between us and the millions whom we govern; a class of persons, Indian in blood and colour, but English in taste, in opinions, in morals and in intellect." He envisaged an Indian elite that would gradually extend modern knowledge to the great mass of the population. But this is not what happened. Instead, the class of interpreters grew more isolated with every generation, and by the time Gandhi gave his speech, the distance between the two Indias had become the cause of pain and anxiety, both for those who felt talked down to and for those who had been colonized and now lived at a great remove from their country.

The image of the Brahmins of Benares seared itself into my mind. But I now also found it impossible to approach Tripathi with my original intention of learning Sanskrit. Mapu had spoken romantically of the relationship between guru and shishya. Perhaps he was nearer the life of tradition and could imagine himself immersed in it again. I, for my part, could not. Incredible as it was to glimpse the antiquity of a sacralized form of learning, to witness was not to participate. The induction into the ancient language was a ritual part of a traditional Brahmin boy's passage into manhood. The world of ritual was closed to me. To insinuate myself into it now would have felt like an unspeakable act of fraudulence. A break had occurred, and I was on the other side of it.

The man who killed my father killed him for defending a Christian woman accused of blasphemy

The man who killed my father killed him for defending a Christian woman accused of blasphemy and for opposing the laws that had condemned her. For this, he became a hero in Pakistan, a defender of the faith, and my father — in the eyes of many was declared wajib ul-qatl, the Islamic designation given to a man fit to die, a nans-gressor against the hith whom any good Muslim might kill. The trial that followed was less a murder trial — my fathet's killer had laid down his gun and confessed his d under extreme provocation to act against a ttansgressor. The defense, in building their case against my father, sought to tubbish his credentials as a Muslim, moving easily towards the conclusion that if he had not been Muslim in the way they wanted him to be, he desetved to die. In this ugly reconfigutation of reality, Stranger to History, which had been one thing in one time, became another thing in another time. It was used in court to condemn my making the case that he was not a ptacticing Muslim; that he dtank

alcohol; that he ate pork; that he — in another life some thitty years before — had Eithered a half-Indian child by an Indian woman. Stranger to History was written as the expression of a need, the need to face and record a suppressed personal histoty. That histoty began with my parents' meeting in Delhi in 1980. Or even earlier, perhaps, for what was that meeting between a Pakistani politician and the Indian repotter who had been sent to intetview him without its context in the 1947 Partition of India! The arrival of my mothees family as refugees in Delhi; the painful shadow of the Pattition on my matemal gtandfather, an army man who never recovered from the absurdity of fighting wars against men he considered to be his own...that history, unrecorded
gtandfather, an army man who never recovered from the absurdity of fighting wars aglinst men he considered to be his own...that history, unrecorded once, is there now, in these pages. So, too, is the story of my parents* love afEüt and their sepatation: my åthees return to Lahore to fight Genetal Zia's dictatorship, my mothees to Delhi where she taised me. In 2002, at the age of twenty-one, I made a journey to lahore to seek out my father for the first time. We were reunited; a btief happy petiod followed, which, in turn, was followed by more tupture and a new silence. We met for the last time on December 27, 2007, the night Benazir Bhutto was killed. That personal histoty, painful as it can be at times, is also there in

There is no need to go over it again here. What I would like to do instead is to take the stoty fotward to the time after Strareer to History. The book ends with Benazir Bhutto's assassination and my final meeting with my father. I am gtateful for that meeting; it *Ive me an insight into a man I had not always been able to judge kindly. I wrote at the time: Zulfikar Ali Bhutto had, in a way, also died from a wound to the neck That had been the beginning of my fathers political fight The person we watched t±en away in a simple coffin, now with no fight Eft in her, was his leader when that career came to fruition It

wound to the neck That had been the beginning of my fathers political fight. The person we watched t:den away in a simple coffin, now with no fight left in her, was his Eader when that career came to fruition It could be said that all my fathers idealism — his jail time, the small success and the great disappointment, the years when he struggled for democracy in his country — were flanked by this father and daughter who both died of fatal wounds to the neck, And running parallel to these futile threads, with which my father could string his life together, were the *nerals, one whom he had fought and the other in whose cabinet he was now a minister. For it to be possible for men to live with such disconzpct, for my father to live so many lives, the


I did not share his optimism. My navels in Pakistan had made me feel that extremism had seeped much deeper than my was willing to admit. I felt that Pakistan's problems were not simply administtative, but existential: that the otiginal idea on which the country had been founded — the idea of a secular nation for Indian Muslims — had eroded; and that nothing had come in its place, mve for an ever closer adherence to reli ion. I felt that this ideolo •cal col se which fish wound to rpck That had been beginning o

enjoy the fruits of one civilization while extolling the values of another

For at the heart of it is the cynical wish to enjoy the fruits of one civilization while extolling the values of another. The ground is automatically prepared for all manner of hypocrisy.

And in the religious state, as in those countries where two currencies ate in circulation — one official, but valueless, the other illegal but real — the idea of value itself becomes dist0Lted.

Our carelessness towards acts of mass violence

Our carelessness towards acts of mass violence and the tendency as a society to be blind towards it has a long history! We, who claim to be traditionally a non-violent people, must be brave enough to face the genocidal tendency inherent in us. There is a substantial body of literature comprising testimonies of the victims, stories of their woes and agony, their struggle for justice. But there is almost nothing available to understand the minds of the murderers and their accomplices.

Prize for stupid person of the month goes to Railway Protection Force Inspector (Surat) Ishwar Singh Yadav

We have charged Avdhesh Dubey for unauthorised vending,” Railway Protection Force Inspector (Surat) Ishwar Singh Yadav said.

Gujarat: Train hawker arrested after video of him mimicking politicians goes viral
INDIA


Gujarat: Train hawker arrested after video of him mimicking politicians goes viral
Identified as Avdhesh Dubey, RPF has filed an FIR against him under several sections of Railway Act, including section 44 (prohibition on hawking and begging), 145 B (spreading nuisance or using abusive language in railway carriage), 147 (unlawful entry into train), among others.
By Express News Service |Surat |
Updated: June 1, 2019 1:53:23 pm




Gujarat: Train hawker arrested after video of him mimicking politicians goes viral
Avdhesh Dubey in the video
A hawker selling toys on trains was arrested from Surat railway platform on Friday by Railway Protection Force after a video of him mimicking and mocking politicians, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi, went viral on social media.

Identified as Avdhesh Dubey, RPF has filed an FIR against him under several sections of Railway Act, including section 44 (prohibition on hawking and begging), 145 B (spreading nuisance or using abusive language in railway carriage), 147 (unlawful entry into train), among others.

For the last few days, a six-minute-long video purportedly showing Dubey doing a parody of a host of politicians like Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Congress leaders Sonia Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi, and Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal, while selling toys to the passengers on a train had gone viral on several social media platforms.

A native of Varanasi, Dubey had migrated to Valsad two years ago, and since then he had been selling toys to train passengers travelling between Vapi and Surat, said sources in the RPF.

“We have charged Avdhesh Dubey for unauthorised vending,” Railway Protection Force Inspector (Surat) Ishwar Singh Yadav said.

“The video clip of Avdhesh Dubey has become very popular on social media and we also received his video. In the video clip he was seen making remarks on the political leaders,” Yadav said, adding “his way of talking to customers is quite impressive”.


Dubey was later produced before a Railway Court on Friday afternoon and was sent to judicial custody for 10 days.

Terrible security for the PM

Terrible security for the PM

i don't know  who is in charge of the  security for the  PM
but  if one  looks at this photograph  it is simply non existent  during his arrival along with Amit shah  at the  BJP headquarters.

This i agree is a definite concern

New restrictions have been imposed on the liberty of speech, which has included the imprisoning of people by branding dissent from the government’s super-nationalist beliefs as “sedition”. New categories of offence have also been invented, such as being described as an “urban Naxalite” on the basis of utterances that the government determines are dangerous, leading to house arrest or worse. The Indian courts have often intervened to restrain the government, but given the slow speed of legal processes in India, relief — even when it came — has taken a long time. And a number of intellectuals have been murdered for expressing views that the Hindutva movement finds objectionable.

We need no certificates of good conduct from western media My dear Amrtya sen

 In his indian express  article   Amartya sen writes.
 There has been widespread criticism in the news media across the world (from the New York Times, the Washington Post, the Wall Street Journal, the Guardian, the Observer, Le Monde, Die Zeit and Haaretz to the BBC and CNN) of the ways and means of securing BJP’s victory,

 they are  like  cats on the fence.
theses are the  same  people  who denied a visa to  CM  Modi  what happened  their Princpled stand .
Do they really have  any principles  to begin with?

We don't need no good conduct certificate from them